Politics

The 2020 Election and the Burden of Proof

Here are additional informative links, since my last blog post, on the 2020 election.

Phill Kline: New Amistad Project Election Lawsuit; $500 Mil to Increase Votes in Dem Strongholds?
https://www.youtube.com/embed/Vic4LpJKFNg

Evidence of voter, ballot, and election irregularities and lawlessness in the presidential election of November 3, 2020
https://got-freedom.org/evidence/

Yes, It Was a Stolen Election
https://www.frontpagemag.com/fpm/2020/12/yes-it-was-stolen-election-john-perazzo

A Simple Test for the Extent of Vote Fraud with Absentee Ballots in the 2020 Presidential Election: Georgia and Pennsylvania Data
https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3756988

The Immaculate Deception: Six Key Dimensions of Election Irregularities
The Navarro Report
https://bannonswarroom.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/The-Immaculate-Deception-12.15.20-1.pdf

In light of this information, I am including the following text in emails to my U.S. Senators and Congressman.

I urge you to object to the Electoral College votes in the states of Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin at the joint session of Congress on January 6.

The burden of proof should always be on those who seek to certify an election. That burden is especially difficult in a close election. That burden has not been met in the 2020 election for president.

In a year when the number of mail-in ballots increased by an order of magnitude, safeguards should have been increased. Instead, the safeguards were reduced. Indeed, state officials went so far as to circumvent state law in order to reduce safeguards. Requirements for voter and witness signatures were reduced or eliminated. Requirements for voters receiving blank ballots by mail were reduced or eliminated. Requirements for dropping off completed ballots were reduced or ignored. Regional counting centers were set up for the first time, requiring more transit of ballots, and allowing for enormous counting rooms so that official observers could be corralled far away from the action they were entitled to observe—yet still be told that they could not complain because, after all, they were in the room.

Evidence of illegal votes—minors voting, non-citizens voting, non-residents of states voting, individuals voting more than once, individuals without residential addresses voting, late votes being counted, broken chains of custody of ballots—has been identified, impacting many thousands of votes, far more than the slim margins of victory in more than enough states to swing the election. Instead of investigating this evidence, state officials have ignored it, or—worse—have obstructed investigations into this evidence.

Hundreds if not thousands of sworn affidavits have testified to violations of election law or to outright fraud, again impacting many more votes than the margins of victory in various states. Instead of investigating these allegations, state officials have ignored them and obstructed attempts to investigate these allegations.

The courts have mainly refused to consider the evidence, on the grounds of standing or laches. Plaintiffs were deemed either too early, with no harm yet inflicted, or too late. Three Wisconsin Supreme Court Justices who actually considered evidence decided in favor of President Trump. But in most cases, when courts did consider evidence, the standard of evidence applied was that of a criminal case—though plaintiffs had a tiny fraction of the time usually needed in a criminal prosecution, and in the absence of investigation or even cooperation by law enforcement and other government agencies. This posture by the courts gets wrong the burden of proof in this matter. The certifying of an election is a positive act, requiring proof of diligence in upholding the law to secure the election.

I urge you to demand such proof on January 6. In the absence of such proof, there are other means our founders identified for electing our president. State legislatures, elected by the people, could select electors. The U.S. House, elected by the people, could elect the president.

The elections of some state and United States legislators probably are also tainted—but not as badly as the presidential election, for one reason: The margin of victory in most elections of legislators is much greater than the margin of victory for president in the contested states. Just as the Electoral College protects against regionalism and fraud in a given state, the election of legislators by legislative district protects against regionalism and fraud in a given part of a state. The impact of fraud in one district is largely contained within that district. It is this district-level protection that our nation must now rely on to protect against the corruption that exists in specific districts of several states.

If we don’t have fair national elections, we don’t have a free country. The United States Congress, elected by the people of each Congressional district, may be our last chance to save freedom in our nation.

***

Update January 6, 2020: Here are two new, informative links on election irregularities:

Exclusive With Data Scientists: Public Data Shows 432,000 Trump Votes Removed in Pennsylvania

The Art of the Steal, Volume Two of the Navarro Report, January 5, 2021

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